Its recommendations’ impact need not give us jitters because the rise in government wages will amount to only 0.8 per cent of GDP.
The report of the Seventh Pay Commission (SPC) is set to be released
soon. The new pay scales will be applicable to Central government
employees with effect from January 2016. Many commentators ask whether
we need periodic Pay Commissions that hand out wage increases across the
board. They agonise over the havoc that will be wrought on government
finances. They want the workforce to be downsized. They would like pay
increases to be linked to productivity. These propositions deserve
careful scrutiny. The reality is more nuanced.
Critics say we don’t need a Pay Commission every ten years because
salaries in government are indexed to inflation. At the lower levels,
pay in the government is higher than in the private sector. These
criticisms overlook the fact that, at the top-level or what is called
the ‘A Grade’, the government competes for the same pool of manpower as
the private sector. So do public sector companies and public
institutions — banks, public sector enterprises, Indian Institutes of
Technology (IITs), Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs) and regulatory
bodies — where pay levels are derived from pay in government.
The annual increment in the Central government is 3 per
cent. Adding dearness allowance increases of around 5 per cent, we get
an annual revision of 8 per cent. This is not good enough, because pay
at the top in the private sector has increased exponentially in the
post-liberalisation period.
Competition for talent
A correct comparison should, of course, be done on the basis of cost to the organisation. We need to add the market value of perquisites to salaries and compare them with packages in the private sector. We cannot and should not aim for parity with the private sector. We may settle for a certain fraction of pay but that fraction must be applied periodically if the public sector is not to lose out in the competition for talent.
A correct comparison should, of course, be done on the basis of cost to the organisation. We need to add the market value of perquisites to salaries and compare them with packages in the private sector. We cannot and should not aim for parity with the private sector. We may settle for a certain fraction of pay but that fraction must be applied periodically if the public sector is not to lose out in the competition for talent.
True, pay scales at the lower levels of government are higher than those
in the private sector. But that is unavoidable given the norm that the
ratio of the minimum to maximum pay in government must be within an
acceptable band. (The Sixth Pay Commission had set the ratio at 1:12).
Higher pay at lower levels of government also reflects shortcomings in
the private sector, such as hiring of contract labour and the lack of
unionisation. They are not necessarily part of the ‘problem with
government’.
Perhaps the strongest criticism of Pay Commission awards is that they
play havoc with government finances. At the aggregate level, these
concerns are somewhat exaggerated. Pay Commission awards typically tend
to disrupt government finances for a couple of years. Thereafter, their
impact is digested by the economy. Thus, pay, allowances and pension in
Central government climbed from 1.9 per cent of GDP in 2001-02 to 2.3
per cent in 2009-10, following the award of the Sixth Pay Commission. By
2012-13, however, they had declined to 1.8 per cent of GDP.
This happened despite the fact that the government chose to make
revisions in pay higher than those recommended by the Sixth Pay
Commission.
Today, Central government pay and allowances amount to 1 per cent of
GDP. State wages amount to another 4 per cent, making for a total of 5
per cent of GDP. The medium-term expenditure framework recently
presented to Parliament looks at an increase in pay of 16 per cent for
2016-17 consequent to the Seventh Pay Commission award. That would
amount to an increase of 0.8 per cent of GDP. This is a one-off impact. A
more correct way to represent it would be to amortise it over, say,
five years. Then, the annual impact on wages would be 0.16 per cent of
GDP.
The medium-term fiscal policy statement presented along with the last
budget indicates that pensions in 2016-17 would remain at the same level
as in 2015-16, namely, 0.7 per cent of GDP. Thus, the cumulative impact
of any award is hardly something that should give us insomnia.
There are a couple of riders to this. First, the government is committed
to One Rank, One Pension for the armed forces. This would impose an as
yet undefined burden on Central government finances. Second, while the
aggregate macroeconomic impact may be bearable, the impact on particular
States tends to be destabilising.
The Fourteenth Finance Commission (FFC) estimated that the share of pay
and allowances in revenue expenditure of the States varied from 29 per
cent to 79 per cent in 2012-13. The corresponding share at the Centre
was only 13 per cent. The problem arises because since the time of the
Fifth Pay Commission, there has been a trend towards convergence in pay
scales. The FFC, therefore, recommended that the Centre should consult
the States in drawing up a policy on government wages.
Downsizing needed?
It is often argued that periodic pay revisions would be alright if only the government could bring itself to downsize its workforce — by at least 10 to 15 per cent. From 2013 to 2016, the Central government workforce (excluding defence forces) is estimated to grow from 33.1 lakh to 35.5 lakh. Of the increase of 2.4 lakh, the police alone would account for an increase of 1.2 lakh or 50 per cent. What is required is not so much downsizing as right-sizing — we need more doctors, engineers and teachers.
It is often argued that periodic pay revisions would be alright if only the government could bring itself to downsize its workforce — by at least 10 to 15 per cent. From 2013 to 2016, the Central government workforce (excluding defence forces) is estimated to grow from 33.1 lakh to 35.5 lakh. Of the increase of 2.4 lakh, the police alone would account for an increase of 1.2 lakh or 50 per cent. What is required is not so much downsizing as right-sizing — we need more doctors, engineers and teachers.
Downsizing of a sort has happened. The Sixth Pay Commission estimated
that the share of pay, allowances and pension of the Central government
in revenue receipts came down from 38 per cent in 1998-99 to an average
of 24 per cent in 2005-07. Based on the budget figures for 2015-16, this
share appears to have declined further to 21 per cent. In financial
terms, this amounts to a reduction of 17 percentage points over 17 years
or an annual downsizing of 1 per cent. It’s a different matter that it
is not downsizing through reduction in numbers of personnel.
It is often said that pay increases in government must be linked to
productivity. We are told that this is where government and the private
sector differ hugely. However, the notion that private sector pay is
always linked to productivity is a myth. In his best-selling book, Capital in the 21st Century,
economist Thomas Piketty argues that the explosion in CEO pay in the
West has been increasingly divorced from performance. He also argues
that the emergence of highly paid “supermanagers” is an important factor
driving inequality in the West.
We are seeing a similar phenomenon in the private sector in India. The
serious public policy challenge, therefore, is not so much to contain a
rise in pay in the public sector as finding ways to rein in pay in the
private sector. It is also ironical that people should harp on linking
pay to performance in the public sector when high-profile firms in the
private sector such as Google and Accenture are turning away from such
measurement.
A better idea would be to conduct periodic management audits of
government departments on parameters such as cost effectiveness,
timeliness and customer satisfaction.
Improving service delivery in government is the key issue. Periodic pay
revision and higher pay at lower levels of government relative to the
private sector could help this cause provided these are accompanied by
other initiatives. The macroeconomic impact is nowhere as severe as it
is made out to be.
(T.T. Ram Mohan is professor at IIM, Ahmedabad)
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